PM must clarify link between 1Malaysia and 1Israel

KUALA LUMPUR, March 19: Pakatan Rakyat leaders have poured scorn on a bid by Umno lawmakers to suspend Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim over a statement linking Prime Minister Najib Razak’s prized 1Malaysia slogan with Ehud Barak’s 1Israel electoral alliance.

They said no matter how much his minders tried to cover up, Najib needed to explain why he as a leader of a predominantly Muslim nation had chosen a platform that mimicked the one created by the Zionist politician a decade ago.

“It is clear that Umno-BN has embarked on an all-out war to stop Anwar including this latest attempt to keep him out of Parliament ,” PAS vice president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man told Harakahdaily.

“But no matter what they do, they cannot hide the fact that 1Malaysia is a failed project. The parties in Umno-BN are hardly united and even right now are fighting within themselves. How can they unite to form an effective ‘one’ government?”

Muslims want to know why

Earlier this week, Anwar told Parliament that Apco Worldwide – an international communications consultancy engaged by Najib – had played a similar advisory role in conceptualizing Ehud’s 1Israel.

The israeli leader is a former premier and the current Defence Minister of his country. He had put together an electoral coalition called One Israel in the run-up to the 1999 Knesset elections.

Both the 1Malaysia and 1Israel platforms have underlying similarities in that they aim to unite various groups through the use of centrist rather than elitist or rightist policies.

“Najib’s advisers are now very worried that this will spread and his 1Malaysia will be linked to 1Israel. And this is a big no-no because Najib himself is a Muslim leader,” PKR MP for Batu Tian Chua told Harakahdaily.

“It is difficult for him to explain why he chose to hire a firm with alleged Zionist links. Apco may deny involvement but Najib still has to convince Malaysian Muslims why he picked 1Malaysia when it is so familiar with 1Israel. Surely, there were more sensible choices.”

Protecting Najib

Indeed, Apco has since issued a written denial that it was involved in developing either the Malaysian or Israeli platforms.

That paved the way for Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nazri Aziz to immediately threaten referring Anwar to the parliamentary Rights and Privileges Committee.

However, Nazri later also said he would put the matter up for the Cabinet to decide before proceeding with the complaint to the House.

“This is a serious allegation. We will have to decide whether action should be taken against Anwar for making a false statement in the House,” Nazri told reporters.

“The accusation was made against the leader of the House (Najib). So of course the accusation against the prime minister will involve the Executive. So, the committee has to decide.”

Sumber: Harakahdaily

Office of Keadilan Youth Chief(AMK)

Populariti Najib Menjunam – TV3

Populariti Presiden Umno merangkap Perdana Menteri Malaysia semakin merosot meskipun pelbagai taktik digunakan oleh media arus perdana untuk melonjakkan imejnya sebagai pemimpin yang kononnya dekat dengan rakyat.

Malah jika berdasarkan kempen khusus yang diusahakan oleh TV3 untuk membina imej Najib sebagai pemimpin yang berwawasan dengan slogan 1 Malaysianya, langkah itu ternyata amat memalukan.

TV3 menerbitkan program yang diberi nama “Soal Jawab” yang ditayangkan di waktu “perdana” pada setiap Isnin sejak awal tahun ini.

Bagaimanapun bilangan penonton atau “rating” yang diharap dapat membantu mengekang kemerosotan penonton stesen televisyen itu tidak berhasil walaupun yang diundang untuk bersoal jawab dengan hos sama ada Datuk Ahmad Talib mahu pun Datuk Manja Ismail ialah Datuk Seri Najib Razak sendiri.

“Ini memberi gambaran bahawa rakyat tidak berminat dengan omong dan slogan kosong Najib. Kempen 1Malaysia langsung tidak menarik minat rakyat,” menurut sumber penerbitan TV3.

Adalah difahamkan bahawa syarikat pemantauan data dan trend penonton televisyen, AGB Nielsen mencatatkan hanya 270,000 orang menonton wawancara Ahmad Talib dengan Najib pada 18 Januari lalu.

Ini adalah jauh lebih rendah daripada wawancara dengan sepupu Najib, Menteri Dalam Negeri, Hishammuddin Hussein yang mencatat 487,000 penonton pada Selasa 12 Januari. Difahamkan “Soaljawab” dengan menteri ini ditayangkan Selasa kerana beliau tidak sempat datang pada hari Isnin.

Sumber itu memberitahu “rating” yang dicatatkan bagi rancangan ini pada slot perdana amatlah mengecewakan. Lazimnya pada slot jam 10 hingga 11 malam “rating” yang dapat dipungut oleh TV3 ialah sekitar 1.5 juta hingga 2 juta penonton.

Yang pasti program “Soal Jawab” dilihat sebagai satu program propaganda politik dan ini menjengkelkan penonton kerana kandungannya kebanyakannya adalah dari sudut Kerajaan sahaja.

Sumber itu memberitahu bahawa apabila Ahli Parlimen Kulim Bandar Baru, Zulfkifli Nordin dijemput untuk bualbicara, “rating”nya ialah jauh lebih baik daripada siaran yang menampilkan Najib. Difahamkan wawancara Zulkifli mencatat 438,000 penonton.

Naib Presiden Pas, Mahfuz Omar berkata, wawancara dengan Perdana Menteri itu tidak mendapat sambutan kerana Najib tidak mempunyai kewibawaan dan kredibiliti di mata rakyat, malah dalam partinya sendiri.

“Keadaan itu menunjukkan bahawa masyarakat tidak dapat menerima dan ia merupakan satu protes secara jelas terhadap kepimpinan Najib. Ahli Umno sendiri yang dikatakan mempunyai keahlian lebih 2 juta tidak mengikuti rancangan itu,”katanya.

“Perkara ini sangat mengejutkan dan sekiranya perkembangan ini berterusan, ia akan membawa kepada satu lagi “grand design” untuk menjatuhkan Najib sepertimana yang pernah berlaku kepada Pak Lah (mantan Perdana Menteri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi)apabila popularitinya jatuh merudum dan merosot teruk,”katanya.

Sementara itu, Ahli Parlimen Sungai Petani Datuk Johari Abdul berkata, rancangan soal jawab itu tidak menjurus kepada soalan-soalan asas mengenai Najib iaitu kredibiliti beliau dan hubung kaitnya dengan pelbagai skandal.

“Rakyat tidak yakin beliau sebagai perdana menteri kerana sehingga sekarang beliau tidak boleh membersihkan dirinya dengan pelbagai skandal dan tuduhan jenayah yang dihadapi beliau. Kita tidak tuduh beliau membunuh Altantuya, tetapi sehingga kini Najib tidak menafikan dan seolah ingin melindungi jenayah itu,” katanya.

Menurutnya, kredibiliti Najib telah musnah teruk kerana dikaitkan dengan pelbagai skandal termasuk rasuah dalam pembelian kapal selam dan kehilangan enjin pesawat TUDM.

Mutakhir ini TV3 berusaha menerbitkan program yang boleh memperbaiki imej pemimpin kerajaan, terutama Perdana Menteri. Antaranya termasuk “Terubok Masin untuk PM”.

Ahad lalu sempena sambutan Hari Kanak-kanak Sedunia, TV3 menyiarkan slot wawancara Najib dengan kanak-kanak yang berlakon sebagai wartawan dan penyampai berita.

“Ini adalah cara terdesak TV3 untuk mengampu Najib. Dan Najib yang tidak ada modal ikutkan sahaja. Walhal itu adalah eksploitasi kanak-kanak untuk mengiklankan betapa peramahnya Najib dengan generasi muda,” kata Johari.

Di peringkat sekolah pula, ada syarikat separa kerajaan menganjurkan pertandingan menulis “Warkah untuk PM” bagi membuat Najib dan rakyat umumnya berasa generasi muda amat kagum dengan anak bekas Perdana Menteri Malaysia kedua itu.

Sumber: Suara-Keadilan

Pejabat Ketua Angkatan Muda Keadilan
Malaysia

1Malaysia=1Israel?

Mungkinkah slogan “Satu Malaysia” yang dirujuk sebagai “1Malaysia” dan dilaungkan Perdana Menteri, Najib Razak bagi mengambil hati masyarakat majmuk di Malaysia, ditiru dari pendekatan politik Israel?

Ia berikutan konsep One Israel pertama kali diumum tokoh politik Israel Yitzhak Yitzhaky pada 14 Oktober 1980 dan diperkukuh oleh pemimpin PArti Buruh, ehud barak sebagai strategi politik dalam pilihanraya Israel 1999.

Yang diPertua Persatuan Mahasiswa Islam Universiti Sains Malaysia (MPIUSM), Muhammad Hanif Alias pula berkata persamaan itu mungkin pengaruh gerakan Freemason yang didalangi golongan Yahudi.

“Mereka licik dan pintar serta cuba mengatur pemimpin dunia,” katanya yang tidak menolak kemungkinan Satu malaysia hanya slogan politik berikutan Umno kuat berbau perkauman.

Sasterawan dan aktivis politik, Azizi Abdullah menyifatkan slogan itu jika benar ditiru dari Israel menunjukkan pemimpin Barisan Nasional (BN), khususnya Najib sebagai pemimpin tiada maruah.

“Asyik tiru gaya orang lain, pinjam orang lain buat apa, buatlah sendiri. Saya tidak tahu apa bendanya Satu malaysia. Mengarut saja.” katanya ketika dihubungi Suara Keadilan.

Carian internet mendapati konsep itu menggabungkan tiga parti utama Israel : Labour, Gesher, dan Memad bagi menarik perhatian rakyat dan menjadi gabungan parti terbesar dalam sejarah Israel.

Konsep One Israel berakhir berikutan parti Gesher menarik diri dari gabungan pada 4 Ogos 2000 berikutan pembabitan Barak dalam kem David bersama Yasser Arafat.

Tidak kurang menarik ialah konsep Wawasan 2020 yang diilhamkan oleh mentor Najib, Dr. mahathir Mohamad pada tahun 1991 sebagai dasar, juga seakan-akan dicedok dari konsep Israel 2020.

Dasar itu bertujuan meletakkan Malaysia sebagai negara maju, adalah strategi perancangan yang pertama kali diumumkan dalam ucapan Dr. Mahathir bertajuk ‘Malaysia: The Way Forward“.

Sebenarnya, Israel 2020 adalah satu pelan induk yang dirangka ahli politik dan ekonomi Israel sejak 1948 hungga 1951, diketuai seorang jurutera, ariel Sharon sebelum diganti Prof. Adam Mazor dari pelbagai latar belakang.

(Artikel ini boleh didapati dalam Suara Keadilan edisi cetak, 18-25 Ogos 2009)

Sumber: PerakExpress


Barak’s ‘One Israel’

Israeli Opposition Leader Ehud Barak has had a good couple of weeks. First, on March 4, he managed to put together the “One Israel” bloc, the linchpin of his plans to re-position his Labor party to gain more swing votes and deliver him government in the Israeli elections scheduled for May 17. Then, the results of an inquiry by the Israeli State Comptroller, released on March 15, cleared Barak of any improper conduct during the 1992 Tzeelim training accident, hopefully clearing him of allegations which have dogged his political career since he retired as IDF Chief of Staff to eventually become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres in 1996. And finally, opinion polls have taken a turn for the better for Barak, moving him from a position where he was at best neck and neck with Prime Minister Netanyahu to a position where he seems to have opened up a lead over Netanyahu of at least five percentage points (although Israeli opinion polling is notoriously inaccurate).

Israeli political analysts have begun to rethink their political wisdom. A few weeks ago, the majority view was that, barring a major scandal or political shake-up, Netanyahu was more likely than not to retain government. Today, the majority view is that election results are at this point too close to call. However, so far Barak is doing everything right.

One Israel is a new electoral coalition of Labor, the Gesher party associated with former Likud Foreign Minister David Levy, and Meimad, a party that marries a religiously observant supporter base and dovish views on the peace process. Under agreements signed between the three, the combined One Israel list will see the Labor party list of candidates, established in party primaries last month, modified to include a number of candidates from the two other parties. Gesher is to get three safe positions for its candidates, including the Number 3 spot (behind Barak and former party leader Shimon Peres) for Levy, and a promise that Levy can have a senior ministerial position in any Barak government. Meimad receives one safe slot, one doubtful slot, and a promise that a Meimad leader who is not a Knesset member will be a cabinet minister. (Changes to Israeli electoral laws in 1992 make it permissible for up to half the Cabinet to non-elected.)

The One Israel concept has been pursued by Barak since last year as a way to make his candidacy more acceptable to the large number of Israelis who would never vote for Labor. For many Israelis, Labor has been seen as elitist, leftist, snobbish and dominated by European secular Jews (Ashkenazi) to the exclusion of both the large number of Israelis who hail from the Middle East and North Africa (Sephardi) and the religiously observant. One Israel has been Barak’s attempt to cure that stigma. It is an idea that is modelled on several forebears; one is Tony Blair’s transformation of the British Labour Party into “New Labour,” another is the “One Jerusalem” coalition developed by the long-serving Labor-aligned Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kolleck, which kept him in power for more than 20 years despite the unpopularity of the Labor party in the city generally.

The specific parties that One Israel brings into the Labor fold theoretically represent precisely those political sectors which have been most suspicious of Labor, and which Labor most needs to reach out to if it is to have any chance of securing government.

Levy and his Gesher movement offer Labor the opportunity to obtain greater support among Jews hailing from the Middle East and North Africa. Sephardim are generally poorer on average than Ashkenazim, often live in outlying areas with high unemployment, and generally resent what they see as the condescending attitude of the Ashkenazim who largely dominate the country’s elites. They also frequently blame Labor, in power from 1948 to 1977, for the poor economic conditions and social discrimination they experienced during the early years of the state.

Levy is of Moroccan origin, and himself the product of one of the poorer Sephardi neighbourhoods. He was originally a protege of Likud Prime Minister Menachem Begin, but after Begin’s departure from the political scene, came into conflict with his successors, Shamir and Netanyahu, over social welfare for his constituents and his own ambitions within the Likud party. This eventually led to the formation of his Gesher party, first as a faction within the Likud and later as an independent party. Conflicts over Netanyahu’s failure to implement promised social spending led Levy to leave the governing coalition last year. Barak has been reaching out to Sephardi voters since his selection as Labor leader, for instance, by offering a public apology for Labor’s past policies, and clearly hopes that the addition of Levy and Gesher can win him some votes in the Sephardi sector.

One Israel faces significant competition for Sephardi votes from the Centre Party leader Yitzhak Mordechai, a Kurdish Sephardi, and the religious Shas party, which is able to garner almost all the religious Sephardi vote.

Meimad, it is also hoped, can attract some religious voters to Labor. Religious voters, who are about 20% of the Israeli population, are even less likely to vote for Labor than Sephardi voters. In many religious neighbourhoods in 1996, votes were 98% for Netanyahu, and only 2% for Labor leader Peres.

For its future political survival Labor must increase its vote among religious and Sephardi Israelis because demographics are against the Labor party. Political analysts say that changes in Israeli population demographics have made the right-left divide in the Israel population approximately 55%-45% since the late 1970s. And since this period, the Likud has come out ahead in most of the elections. Furthermore, the faster population growth in the religious and Sephardi communities, as well as the influx of immigrants from the Soviet Union, is making matters worse for Labor as time passes. Unless Labor can re-position itself to capture larger segments of these three communities, it may gradually drift into perpetual opposition and political irrelevance.

This is one reason that, unusually for Israel and despite being Israel’s most decorated General, Barak has chosen to focus on social issues as the centrepiece of his campaign. While Netanyahu hammers his ability to protect Israel’s security in radio and television interviews, Barak has used many election appearances as opportunities to tell stories about elderly women unable to get hospital treatment, and about the effects of unemployment on families, and to promise remedies. His hope is to gain a “hip-pocket vote” from some segments of the Sephardi community, and as part of this process he needs to overcome the stigma against voting Labor to do it.

Levy, in part, gives Barak this opportunity and he was quick to exploit it. Within days of the signing of the One Israel agreement, Levy and Barak were out campaigning together in several poor towns with a heavily Sephardi population, normally Likud heartland.

However, there are some positive signs. Barak’s success in getting his One Israel project off the ground seems to be reflected in improved poll numbers. Polls in late February had placed Barak barely neck and neck in a one-on-one contest with Netanyahu. A poll on March 13 showed Barak ahead on two party preferred by 5%. And Barak also continues to increase his lead over the third major candidate, former Defence Minister Yitzhak Mordechai of the new Centre Party.

On top of the One Israel success and the positive polls, Barak seemed particularly pleased with the results of report by Israel’s State Comptroller, an independent auditing and investigation body, into the 1992 Tzeelim II training accident. Barak was accused by some of the families of the 5 soldiers killed at Tzeelim of having fled the scene in his helicopter without seeing to wounded soldiers or taking one severely wound man, who later died, with him, and in newspapers reports of possibly having orchestrated an army cover-up of the circumstances behind the incident. When the report was released on March 15, Barak told the media “The blood libel to which I fell victim for several years, as a man and as chief of staff, comes to an end today.” The report exonerates him of both charges: it found that he did not leave until after all the wounded had been evacuated, and that there had been no cover-up.

Still, despite the gains of the past two weeks, there are almost two months until polling day, and likely, a further run-off poll to decide the Prime Ministership will be required two weeks after that. Despite his current poll lead, Israeli political experts do not rate Barak’s chances as more than even because there is still a large undecided segment, and the majority of undecided voters are aligned with the Israeli right and most likely to vote as they have in previous elections. Both these facts indicate that most of these votes will go to Netanyahu.

It is also the case that Prime Minister Netanyahu has been a much better media performer than Barak. It remains unclear whether Barak can overcome this clear disadvantage in the long run, especially as the fight for undecided voters heats up.

Furthermore, other parties have been moving to form alliances to counter Barak’s One Israel. The small right-wing Herut party of Benny Begin, the son of former Prime Minister Menachem Begin, has set up a joint electoral list with two other small right-wing parties, Moledet and Tkuma. Likud is talking to the right-wing Tsomet party, led by another former IDF Chief-of-Staff Raful Eitan, which is also likely to include some defectors from Gesher who did not follow Levy into the One Israel combination.

Barak has had a couple of good weeks, and the truth is, he badly needed them. Whether he can sustain his current momentum into an election victory on May 17 is still very much an open question.

Sumber: AIJAC

Pejabat Ketua Angkatan Muda Keadilan
Malaysia